(The key, I think, is to be careful in saying "by your own preferred method of assessment, your program is failing to achieve the gains you have predicted"-- and incidentally, I'm actually fairly amenable to certain kinds of standardized testing in certain contexts, at least compared to other school reform critics.)
Additionally, I will continue to say that the mere efficacy of anti-union school reforms is not enough to compel their adoption. Union rights are rights. They are not legitimately curtailed simply because it becomes convenient to society to do so. School reformers need to do more than demonstrate the effectiveness of their proposed reforms; they need to demonstrate that implementing them will not illegitimately trod on union rights of teachers. (Of course, until the school reform demonstrates consistent, valid, and reliable gains that are not later revealed to be the product of fraud, the question is somewhat academic.)
Anyway, to be more specific and useful, I want to say that we need to take care not to trumpet parent satisfaction data as proof of success in public schools when we wouldn't do so when it comes to charter schools, private school vouchers, and the like. Many have pointed to encouraging statistics about parental satisfaction with their local public schools, and also to the disconnect between a parent's perception of his or her own child's school and American public schools in general. USA Today summarizes a study by PDK:
Nearly eight in 10 Americans — 79% — give an "A or B" grade to the school their oldest child attends, according to findings released today by Phi Delta Kappa (PDK) International, an educators association. That's up from 68% in 2001, and the highest percentage of favorable ratings since PDK began asking the question in 1985. That year, 71% of parents gave their kids' school top grades.It is indeed encouraging and important that Americans feel their local public schools are succeeding, and there are some complex epistemelogical questions about how to evaluate and incorporate this kind of data. But let's be clear: if we consider this evidence for the success of public education, we must also consider similar data evidence of success in charter schools.
Susan Phillips's School Choice: Policies and Effects: An International Literature Review (2004), while not a text that I would endorse without qualification, has a good rundown of extant evidence. See also Buckley and Schneider (2006), available here (PDF), and this Pew Research Institute report (2010, PDF) which includes satisfaction data for parents of students in charter schools, local Catholic schools, and public schools in the Philadelphia area. Generally speaking, a broad collection of data suggests that parents rate themselves as highly satisfied with their child's charter schools.
As I've said many times, there is a fierce debate about how we develop knowledge and what constitutes appropriate epistemology hiding in the school reform debate. It's perhaps unsurprising that parents of both public school students and private school students profess high satisfaction with their child's school. Parents are the definition of invested respondents; to rate low satisfaction for your school is essentially to say that you're failing your child. I don't take parent's self-reported satisfaction too seriously for school quality for the specific reason that it's quite hard for anyone to effectively rate a school's quality and the general reason that self-reported data has to be taken with a handful of salt.
And, indeed, the self-same Pew report that shows high satisfaction levels with Philadelphia charter schools admits that this satisfaction comes despite "widely publicized reports of financial mismanagement at several schools and test results indicating that students in some charters are not performing as well as those in district-run schools." So we have again this basic dynamic in school reform: empirical evidence contradicts conventional wisdom, deductive thinking, and the opinion of interested parties. I will continue to say that we have to privilege that empirical evidence over the alternatives, which for now redounds to the benefit of critics of the reform movement like me. But I also think that we have to be consistent in how we evaluate our evidence.
3 comments:
"Additionally, I will continue to say that the mere efficacy of anti-union school reforms is not enough to compel their adoption. Union rights are rights. They are not legitimately curtailed simply because it becomes convenient to society to do so."
This is a big part of the argument, though, isn't it? Some people think the purpose of teacher's unions is to improve the teaching of children. Others think the purpose of teacher's unions is to improve the condition of teachers. So long as one can present those two things as interdependent (a satisfied teacher is a better teacher), all's well. But if they're in conflict, and you have to choose, well, you seem to be explicitly saying that it would not be worth crossing the union even if it demonstrably improved children's learning. Which makes the anti-school-reform movement in about the same relationship to children as the anti-New-Deal craze is to seniors.
True, but understand the distinction I'm making. I don't think anyone argues that there is a constitutional right to Social Security. I believe that union rights are effectively enumerated in the constitution because of the rights to free speech and association. The details, of course, are complicated.
And, as I'm sure you're aware, the presence of union teachers is positively correlated with educational success.
The jury is still very much out on that correlation---some non-union schools have done better than average, other union schools have done better, it's all very fuzzy. At this point, there's serious debate in the education field about whether teachers make any difference at all, at least by comparison to parental involvement and income.
That aside, it seems like quite a stretch to go from the right to free speech and association to arguing that a particular professional union's demands are constitutional rights! A right need not be constitutional to be important---it would be tough to constitutionally justify the right to choose your own profession, for example, but it's obvious that it would be serious violation of your freedom to have the government dictating your profession.
And all *that* aside, that word "convenient" remains problematic, and gets to the heart of why so many people who are otherwise firm union supporters are uncomfortable with teacher's unions. When it comes to the union representing, say, trash collection, no one is worried that union trash collectors aren't really interested in the trash getting collected (or rather, we understand that it is in the union's interest to be better at collecting tras). But where education is concerned, you're talking about a union which represents those who care for the a class of people who cannot represent their own interests in any adversarial way. It's understood that the teacher's union is in an adversarial relationship with school management---that's a given---but the question is what's their relationship to the students. To write off the interests of those students---whose education is the entire purpose of the profession--- as mere "convenience" suggests that if push comes to shove, the interests of the teachers will be allowed to trump the interests of the students, and that outcome is so unacceptable as to call into question the logic that led there.
Post a Comment