These are strange times. I would not have thought it possible, given recent history, but your open letter to us on the left, on Libya, demonstrates that you are ultimately indistinguishable from the neoconservatives and liberal hawks who ostracized and attacked us in the run-up to the Iraq war. What Jonah Goldberg was once to you, you are now to us. I wonder: does this inspire pride, in you? Is it nice to have the shoe on the other foot? Is it appealing to be the redbaiter, rather than the redbaited? Your letter was quoted approvingly today by Jeffrey Goldberg, a man whose inaccurate and biased reporting helped push us into war in Iraq, and who never missed an opportunity to attack opponents of that war. I don't know; perhaps such temporary alliances please you.
Despite the length of your open letter, you have advanced one and only one argument against us: that anyone opposed to war on Libya is indifferent to Qaddafi and his crimes. This is an argument that even the most noxious neoconservatives take pause in arguing-- because it is libelous, because it is the worst kind of appeal to outrage, because it is flatly untrue. It is, again, hard to believe that I've just read it. But here it is:
The arguments against international intervention are not trivial, but they all did have the implication that it was all right with the world community if Qaddafi deployed tanks against innocent civilian crowds just exercising their right to peaceful assembly and to petition their government.And again:
If we just don’t care if the people of Benghazi are subjected to murder and repression on a vast scale, we aren’t people of the Left.To be on the left in America is to operate under the conditions that movement conservatives claim to operate under: it is to be marginalized and assumed out of polite conversation before the conversation even begins. In these conditions, you have to hold onto the most important right a free people can have, the right to the absolute and inviolate possession of one's own opinions. I operate in a culture and a larger political conversation that dismisses my beliefs at every turn. I'm happy to do so. But I own the content of my beliefs, and neither you nor any other person will dictate to me what I have to believe. And I am here telling you that I most certainly care about murder and repression, that it is not all right with me if innocent civilian crowds are attacked by tanks, and yet I oppose military intervention in Libya.
I have written why many times, but it boils down to a simple calculus: I neither trust that my righteousness and my knowledge are so great that they are sufficient to dictate to Libyans the future of Libya, nor believe that I would have any right to do so even if my knowledge and benevolence were perfect. I believe in the inviolate right of self-determination. Even when it hurts to respect it.
Do you know what might be the single greatest humanitarian effort in history, if we were to attempt it? I'll tell you: annex Haiti. Here you have a very geographically close nation living in desperate poverty, filled with a kind of human suffering and need so great and so persistent that I can barely imagine it. We could do it. The military impediment would be trivial, perhaps less difficult than our current war against Libya. And while things would never be perfect in Haiti, they most certainly would get better. Such an annexation might seem like an absurd hypothetical, but I confess that I am so naive that I thought more American military adventures in the Middle East, in the near future, would be impossible. Intervention in Haiti is possible and would surely help.
So, Dr. Cole: why don't you care about the Haitian people? Do you not care about children starving to death? Are you totally callous towards the plight of those dying in the streets? Is it all right with you if thousands die from AIDS in Haiti?
You spend a lot of time dancing, when you consider the question of "why Libya," but you don't dance your way out of the questions. You are insisting that refusing to intervene in humanitarian crisis is the same as not caring about the crisis in the first place, as I've quoted above. So what about Darfur? This country could intervene in the Sudan. We have that capacity. So why don't you care? About Syria? Bahrain? Cote d'Ivoire? About the homeless man down the street from you, who you are most certainly capable of helping, but aren't? It's a funny thing about humanitarianism. Once you divide the world between those who want to DO SOMETHING and those who just don't care, you'll find that there is no ending to it.
I'll let one of your own commenters make the comparison to your feelings about Iraq:
At the core of opposition is the sense that we embrace warmongering principles, and the fact that it may be a little more reasonable here than elsewhere does not undermine this objection. Saddam was a far greater tyrant to his people than Qaddafi, and that war was purportedly justified based on the humanitarian wonderfulness of getting rid of that dictator. Why this does not give you pause here when advocating war with Libya is surprising.You could not possibly have thought that Saddam would ever cease oppressing and waging violence against his people. And yet, somehow, you came to a position against the US assault on Iraq. I don't want to put words in your mouth, but perhaps then you understood that we were not in unique possession of right or of truth; that we have no right to project our preferences, no matter how obvious they seem to us, around the globe; that there is a great distance between our intention and our ability; that every person in the Middle East, even those fighting for revolution, is not some quasi-American yearning to break free and create a republic exactly like America and in keeping with our values. Those are all lessons that, if you indeed knew them back then, you have forgotten since.
An open letter, of course, is written to people who you know have little or no chance of responding. You don't think that the left will respond, because as you know we have no voice to respond in this country. Our voice has been systematically and intentionally eliminated from mainstream political conversation. Why? Because, of course, of efforts like yours. Despite your attempts to dress up your open letter to us, it has one and only one goal: to vilify and to silence us. Your repeated and baseless insistence that thinking people can either support lobbing cruise missiles on Libyans or else be "all right" with murder has and can have only one consequence, which is to censor those who oppose intervention. You are well aware of that fact; you lived through it, after all. That you could have so forgotten the power relations that are burning underneath the text of your letter, or that you have ceased to care, is ultimately what disappoints me most.
yours,
Freddie deBoer
17 comments:
Despite your attempts to dress up your open letter to us, it has one and only one goal: to vilify and to silence us.
You know there's a difference between being silenced and being ignored, right? Right?
This ignores the fundamental difference between Libya in 2011 and Iraq in 2003. Military involvement in Libya is intended to stop an active, ongoing massacre of the Libyan people by its own government. Saddam Hussein had massacred his own people, but it was certainly not still ongoing in 2003. There are many reasons to oppose intervention in Libya, but I think that many on the left risk overlearning the lessons of Iraq. Failure to intervene in Iraq in 2003 would mean continued rule by a horrible, brutal dictator, but it would not mean turning a blind eye to a government turning tanks and air power against civilians.
I'm not exactly willing to give a full-throated defense of military intervention in Libya, but acting as though the two situations are interchangeable is disingenuous. As an opponent to the Iraq War from the beginning, I don't think it adds to the debate to pretend as though our military failures in Iraq mean failure in Libya as well; not only is our mission different, but the situation on the ground is significantly different.
I really truly get where you're coming from on this and I'm glad you keep writing about it, but I worry that your strong principle of non-intervention comes close to denying the possibility of solidarity between different people.
Solidarity is a core principle for me as a lefty, and while I'm very wary of mixing it with violence (state or non-state), I can certainly think of a lot of situations where it would make sense.
I assume you don't think solidarity is impossible, but I wonder what you think we (as lefties) should do in the hard cases (such as an impending massacre). And I don't mean the question to be snarky, I'm genuinely curious. I happen to think the devil is in the details when it comes to Libya, and to talk only in generalities and first principles isn't really all that helpful.
Commenters miss the point. You either buy the principle of self-determination, or you don't and endorse the idea that others using violence get to dictate what will happen in another country. The reasoning here is slippery too - "ongoing" or "impending" massacres are sufficient grounds for intervention, but if they're already done we missed our chance and throw up our hands? (And I'd be really cautious based on very sketchy in-country reports in the middle of a civil war about whether, and to what extent, massacres have occurred.) Stick with your wariness about mixing solidarity with violence because this kind of very loose reasoning leads to being coopted by folks who lack the humanitarian motives they profess.
You lost me in the first paragraph. Was this supposed to be an argument or a long list of spurious accusations?
Annex Haiti? What, just like Puerto Rico? Your argument just blew apart right there.
So any humanitarian intervention, ever, is a violation of self-determination and should be opposed? The US was correct to let the Rwandan genocide unfold? Incorrect to intervene in Kosovo? Does it matter if a number of people *want* us to step in, or does that still violate their self-determination?
I understand the moral appeal of such a black-and-white rule, but it won't wash. The argument for or against the Libyan intervention requires assessment of that particular situation, not a blanket rule.
And it's bizarre to cite 'self-determination' in the case of a dictatorship. The Libyan people seem to have determined what they want by rising up. You can argue against that (claim that most back Gaddafi, for example) but not claim that giving them what they want violates their rights.
You don't get to determine whether the Libyan people's right to self-determination has been satisfied because it kinda appears to you that "a number of people" want intervention or that some portion of the Libyan people "have risen up." That's the whole point about self-determination, that it's harder for people like us to know what's going on and to figure it out than the people who are actually there, or even to figure out what they want. And that, especially given our checkered history of intervention and the generally unpredictable consequences of unleashing violence in a country we don't anything about, maybe we should exercise a little humility before doing it, and maybe even refrain. I don't think violence is a clean, neat, antiseptic force that leads to wonderful results, and I question the right of outsiders like us to visit it on other people and the enthusiasm with which we do it.
My reply is much simpler: the moral imperative to prevent the forecast massacre in Benghazi justifies and only justifies massacre-prevention in Benghazi. What we are doing in Lbya amounts to much more than massacre-prevention in Benghazi. Therefore (I) the moral imperative to prevent this forecast massacre does not justify what else we are doing and (II) it would appear we are not really doing it to prevent the forecast massacre in Benghazi.
My reply is much simpler: the moral imperative to prevent the forecast massacre in Benghazi justifies and only justifies massacre-prevention in Benghazi. What we are doing in Lbya amounts to much more than massacre-prevention in Benghazi. Therefore (I) the moral imperative to prevent this forecast massacre does not justify what else we are doing and (II) it would appear we are not really doing it to prevent the forecast massacre in Benghazi.
"The reasoning here is slippery too - 'ongoing' or 'impending' massacres are sufficient grounds for intervention, but if they're already done we missed our chance and throw up our hands?"
You don't see a difference between intervening to prevent or stop a massacre and starting a war in response to a massacre that happened decades ago? I believe there is a difference between preventing people from dying and getting retribution for people who died decades ago.
In addition to the point I made in my first comment, Iraq was sold as a dire threat to America. Say what you will about the current administration's rationale for war, but at least they haven't tried that. No WMD, no Curveball, no 9/11 connection, no pretending that Libya is a direct threat to the United States. That said, the United States responded to requests from France, Britain and the Arab League, all which do consider Libya vital to their national interests. Expecting our allies to continue supporting our national interest while we ignore requests for help with theirs does not strike me as a recipe for diplomatic success.
Check out this BBC blog about the origins of liberal interventionism: http://www.bbc.co.uk/blogs/adamcurtis/2011/03/goodies_and_baddies.html
It's a great summary of interventionism from Biafra to the present
"you are ultimately indistinguishable from the neoconservatives and liberal hawks who ostracized and attacked us in the run-up to the Iraq war. " -Freddie
"Some have charged that the Libya action has a Neoconservative political odor. But the Neoconservatives hate the United Nations and wanted to destroy it. They went to war on Iraq despite the lack of UNSC authorization, in a way that clearly contravened the UN Charter. " -Juan Cole
"Allowing the Neoconservatives to brand humanitarian intervention as always their sort of project does a grave disservice to international law and institutions, and gives them credit that they do not deserve, for things in which they do not actually believe." -Juan Cole
"Despite the length of your open letter, you have advanced one and only one argument against us: that anyone opposed to war on Libya is indifferent to Qaddafi and his crimes." - Freddie
"That is, in Libya intervention was demanded by the people being massacred as well as by the regional powers, was authorized by the UNSC, and could practically attain its humanitarian aim of forestalling a massacre through aerial bombardment of murderous armored brigades. And, the intervention could be a limited one and still accomplish its goal." -Juan Cole
"Do you know what might be the single greatest humanitarian effort in history, if we were to attempt it? I'll tell you: annex Haiti. Here you have a very geographically close nation living in desperate poverty, filled with a kind of human suffering and need so great and so persistent that I can barely imagine it. We could do it. " - Freddie
"Military intervention is always selective, depending on a constellation of political will, military ability, international legitimacy and practical constraints. The humanitarian situation in Libya was fairly unique. You had a set of tank brigades willing to attack dissidents, and responsible for thousands of casualties and with the prospect of more thousands to come, where aerial intervention by the world community could make a quick and effective difference." - Juan Cole
"I need someone to help me get onto the Internet again!" - That Fuzzy Bastard
Hunh?
Just being a punk.
We never learnm from history? The lies of saddam WMDs has now turned into Gadaffis bombing or shooting civlians.
Well thats not been happening..early on we had that Libya was aerial bombing civilians, but the russians said, no their satellites saw no such atrocities. (meanwhile, the US/NATOP IS killing civilians with air attacks(see below)
SO, what do people know about gadaffi, Libya or the 'rebels'? here are some real leftists views:
Cynthia McKinney
http://english.pravda.ru/history/27-03-2011/117349-Ghaddafi_hero_for_African_rights_and_liberation-0/
Scott Creighton on the cruise missile left
http://willyloman.wordpress.com/2011/03/22/left-cover-flying-fast-and-furious-for-obama-they-refer-to-libya-as-armed-aerial-peacekeeping/
Webster tarpley on who the 'rebels' are:
http://tarpley.net/2011/03/24/the-cia%e2%80%99s-libya-rebels-the-same-terrorists-who-killed-us-nato-troops-in-iraq/
LIFG(Libyan Islamic Fighting Group..aka jamaa islamiya!)
http://www.stratfor.com/weekly/20110223-jihadist-opportunities-libya
Gerald Perreira on Gadaffi and racism in Libya
http://www.blackagendareport.com/content/coalition-crusaders-join-al-qaeda-oust-qaddafi-and-roll-back-libyan-revolution
http://blackagendareport.com/content/libya-getting-it-right-revolutionary-pan-african-perspective
Glen Ford on racism in Liby:
http://www.blackagendareport.com/content/race-and-arab-nationalism-libya
http://mrzine.monthlyreview.org/2011/ford030311.html
Russian ukrainain belorusian doctors in Libya tell of US/NATO airstrikes killing civilians:
http://en.m4.cn/archives/6734.html
(wasn’t that why the US invaded? To stop gaddafis allegedly doing this?)
Diana Johnstone:
http://www.counterpunch.org/johnstone03242011.html
Tony Cartalucci, one of the first to tell the truth about the Libya debacle:
http://landdestroyer.blogspot.com/2011/03/us-libyan-policy-zero-legitimacy.html
Peter dale Scott:
http://www.informationclearinghouse.info/article27776.htm
Thomas Mountain east libya and human traffikers
http://www.modernghana.com/news/322391/1/bombing-libya-1986-2011.html
regards
Brian
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