Sunday, November 16, 2008

free market teleology and the automaker bailout

Conor has complained that economic conservatives are at a disadvantage because their policies benefit people you can't see. As he said,
Conservatives and libertarians sometimes face a disadvantage in policy arguments. We’re attuned to the indirect effects and unintended consequences of certain policies, whereas our liberal interlocutors concern themselves primarily with direct effects. Why is this a disadvantage? Because the liberal can say, "Look at David from Detroit, who is going to lose his job, and his home, if GM goes bankrupt." Whereas the best conservatives and libertarians can do is to say, "Somewhere in America there is an unknown person who will lose their job, and their home, if the automakers are bailed out, due to the inevitable effect of egregious economic inefficiencies that will course through the financial system."....

The person who is hurt in the liberal narrative and the one hurt in the conservative narrative are both real human beings. But the fact that the former is identifiable is often used by liberals as an emotional bludgeon.

Perhaps! But Conor, I think, is ignoring a great benefit to conservatives on this score: there's a lot of non-falsifiability for libertarians and free marketers to work with. Consider this auto bailout. I say that if the automakers aren't bailed out, the human costs will be extreme, and (by the way) there are going to be major negative economic effects, too. (Imagine that.) Ah, but Conor and his brethren might say, bailing out the automakers will have great human and economic costs, too! Yeah, the immediate effect is going to be huge job loss, but there will be actually be more jobs saved and created, in the long run, by not bailing them out. You can make a childish appeal to emotion by trying to save real, existing jobs, but you're inevitably causing great heartache for these hypothetical people!

You can see the difficulty in arguing against this. These effects, though they may be real, have no referrent to real life. There's no way to check on them, no way for me to balance their effects against the effects of alternative options, no way to actually know if the extravagant claims made by those endorsing that position are actually true. There is an awful lot of faith, going on here, and while it certainly could be true that the positive effects of not bailing out the automakers will be better in the long run, I find the fact that you can actually tell the positive effects of bailing them out not to be some mark of intellectual dishonesty with the position but a rather large argument in its favor. As a matter of argument, though, it certainly benefits the anti-bailout crowd. They can assert all kinds of positive effects, and because the connection between not bailing out the car companies and these positive effects is necessarily tenuous and difficult to see, there's no way to tell if they were right, and effectively nothing for them to prove. It's a nice argumentative space to occupy. It's the same space that permits the nonfalsifiability of growth-driven utopian fantasy.

I've been a little taken aback by some of the opponents of this bailout because of their absolute certainty that the bailout is going to be a disaster. Are they really so sure, in fact, that David from Detroit keeping his job will ensure that some three other Americans lose theres? Really? How can they be so positive? Yes, I can see that there are arguments either way, when it comes to this bailout. But the utter insistence that we know, with absolute clarity, that his will be a net economic minus is absurd to me.

My acknowledgement that there are arguments for either side, by the way, is not something I share with many libertarians and free marketers, however. Of course, they are always certain. This is a strange attitude for an ideology so dependant on butterfly effects and far-flung consequences. It does make a certain sense, though. One reason so many libertarians adopt the argumentative stance of absolute certitude (and, indeed, contempt for those who disagree) is because the asserted benefits of their positions are necessarily distant and non-verifiable. As it is difficult to prove that their positions are the best ones for mankind, they adopt a stance of the utmost confidence out of necessity. They then bolster this position with sighs of "you just don't understand the complicated economics."

And so again we reach free market teleology, utterly non-falsifiable, not subject to external verification and resistant to calls for proof. Just keep looking farther and farther ahead into the future, whenever the arguments get dicey, cast the horizon for the benefits of growth farther and farther ahead into the future, until no one can keep perspective enough to tell you that you're wrong. Today it may not look like it, but tomorrow, by god, growth will deliver us from evil....

22 comments:

James said...

Alternatively: the state should either let companies which have been run horribly inefficiently go along the natural path for badly run companies or else should take control of them and hand them over to somebody who can do a better job.

I can see the sound reasoning behind either of those arguments, but not the one which states: "Give a group of incompetents some more money to waste."

Freddie said...

That's a sensible attitude. What drives me crazy is the lack of accountability for those who agitate against the bailout, because the benefits they are arguing for are resistant to verification.

James said...

I suppose that it's an even bigger problem for the theocrats...

Tim said...

I don't know where you got the idea that free-market principles cannot be proven false.

Here are only a few conditions under which free-market principles could be disproven:

1. If people living in Communist and socialist economies enjoyed a higher standard of living than those who live in free-market countries, then free-market economic policy would be falsified.

2. If persons living in countries with high tariffs enjoyed a greater variety of goods and services at more affordable prices than those who live in countries with low tariffs or none, then free-market economic policy would be falsified.

3. If countries with greater governmental control of the economy enjoyed livable wages and lower unemployment rates to a greater degree than countries with less governmental control of the economy, then free-market economic policy would be falsified.

Your problem isn't that free-market principles can't be falsified; it's that they've been proven true, over and over again, in a million seemingly trivial ways (many of which you can confirm with a simple visit to your neighborhood grocery store or Wal-Mart).

Freddie said...

I think, Tim, you're taking this pretty far afield of the subject at hand-- Conor himself says that part of the problem with the anti-bailout position is that it's difficult to quantify its benefits. I'm merely pointing out that this is also tactically helpful for the anti-bailout crowd.

As for your larger point, it deserves a post of its own. Briefly, I would just say that my experiences at Megan McArdle's blog, and with other enthusiastic free marketers, is that they treat every piece of evidence that the free market works as valid, and every piece of evidence that it doesn't as invalid. Everything that flatters libertarians ideological preconceptions is a germane example; everything that doesn't is explained away as irrelevant or unfair. Without exception.

Dan said...

Freddie, I would say that the onus shouldn't be on the anti-bailout people to quantify their position. I oppose the bailout. I don't know what exactly the costs will be. But I'm not the one calling for a massive government intrusion to help out a politically powerful interest group.

I think it's useful to look at this in the context of Western Europe. You have significant labor market interventions and industrial policy-ish tinkering. The result is (relatively) stagnant growth and high structural unemployment. It's nice for the politically connected companies (think Airbus), but not so nice for the 25 year-old college grads who can't find a real job. These aren't "butterfly effects and far-flung consequences" we're talking about here; this is persistently high unemployment.

Supporters of the bailout need strong evidence to explain 1) why we should government to efficiently choose which industries to bail out and 2) why the auto industry is more special than other industries.

P.S. The Slate article on chapter 11 can be directly refuted, I believe, by the airline industry, most of which is in chapter 11.

Tim said...

Freddie, if I seem to take this discussion "far afield," it's mostly because I suspect you haven't spent enough time on your fundamentals. Part of the problem may be that you're hanging out with the wrong crowd: Libertarian bloggers and enthusiasts can be fine people and loyal friends, but for the most part, they're not especially adept at teaching free-market economic theory. (Nor am I, I'm afraid. I recommend Thomas Sowell's Basic Economics, now in its third edition, as a thorough, readable, and commonsensical primer to the subject.)

I must confess I'm not sure what you mean when you refer to examples of the free market "not working" -- and therefore cannot properly discuss the merits of your assertion unless and until you deign to give some specifics. Since the free market is comprised of the decisions of individuals, presumably acting for the most part in their own economic interests (as they see them), it's difficult to see how a free market could fail, unless individuals were somehow prevented from making decisions necessary to their economic survival. (Which has, in fact, occurred from time to time: See the state-engineered famines in the Soviet Ukraine and Castro's Cuba, the civil war in mid-1980s Ethiopia, or the ongoing crisis in Sudan for historical examples.)

One obvious problem with your position, of course, is that in cases where the free market is allegedly "not working," it may in fact be working quite well -- just not in ways that leftists, liberals or populists of any stripe can condone or appreciate at the time. That is to say, individuals may continue to make decisions for their well-being, just not the decisions you or I might wish they were making. Prudence would dictate that as long as individuals can make these decisions on their own behalf, it is probably best for government not to intervene.

Dan: You hit the trifecta. Congrats!

Tom Church said...

Freddie,

We may not be able to get a precise measure of the benefit from not going through with a bailout, but we can get a decent idea.

As Buffett says, we'd rather be roughly right than be precisely wrong.

Just because it is difficult to measure doesn't mean we should rule it out.

Also there are valid comparisons to be made between the auto and airline industries, as Dan pointed out.

The key difference between those two industries is that we know there is a viable economic model in the auto industry (!=Big3) whereas we're still looking for confirmation of that fact in the airline industry.

Diversity said...

Freddie,

A point not being made is the effect of the bailouts on the workers "bailed out". I have known British workers in the auto industry and in coal mining. Both industries had a long series of bail outs before they finally collapsed. These people fought for those bail-outs, and for the final one which did not come.

After it was all over, these people were more content than they had been in all the years of struggle to save the old, failing industry. There are damn few regrets for the old occupation and way of life. There was, for a while, a distinct regret for the years wasted sticking to the old job.

Al that is anecdotal, but do not take it for read that the bail out they are asking for will be good for the auto workers. The only people a bail out will be unambiguously good for are Detroit bosses, shareholders and UAW officials.

Matt said...

Since the free market is comprised of the decisions of individuals, presumably acting for the most part in their own economic interests (as they see them), it's difficult to see how a free market could fail

Ever heard of a "dollar auction", Tim?

Scott said...

Freddie,

If the government decided to put a $2/gallon subsidy on the consumption of gasoline, do you think people would want to buy more gasoline? If so, why? Can you give me their names, and exactly how much more gasoline they would want to buy?

Google "Paul Krugman" and "Accidental Theorist". No, wait, I'll get it for you:

http://www.slate.com/id/1916/

This is why it's important not to be seduced by what is seen.

Raghav said...

Right, what Scott said. Concerns about unknown victims or unrealized growth aren't speculations, they're inductions. Plenty of policies that people all over the political spectrum endorse depend on such things, from the existence of copyright laws to immigration restrictions.

I agree that pure speculation about the effects of these policies is dangerous, but such effects can be teased out with careful empirical work, and other effects can be extrapolated from them. F'rinstance, Larry Summers has done work on the growth effects of corporate taxes. Peri and Ottaviano have done work on the wage effects of immigration. I might (and in fact do) look at their work and conclude that the negative indirect effects of capital taxation aren't worth the (certain) revenue they raise and support cutting corporate taxes, but that the negative direct effects of current immigration laws on potential immigrants—as well as the indirect effects on complementary native workers—outweigh the positive indirect effects on substitute native workers, and thus support more liberal immigration laws. Other people might come to different conclusions, but it doesn't change the fact that indirect effects are important.

Also, if you think conservatives and libertarians are of one mind on this, then you obviously haven't heard that Richard Posner supports the bailout. Isn't this the sort of honest weighting of consequences that (based apparently on Megan McArdle's comment threads) you claim free marketers don't do?

Anonymous said...

I would in general agree with Tim, and would add as well that the costs to the American economy of GM and Friends existence over the past several decades are in fact quantifiable and indeed extraordinarily large - just as are the extraordinarily large costs to the economy incurred by other entrenched interests with friends in high places.

And I believe I speak for many free-marketeers when I both object to the bailout of any private enterprise, and nonetheless recognize that there is a great risk involved in simply allowing regular mechanisms such as Chapter 11 - which GM should have been forced into some time ago - take care of everything now.

Nitpicker said...

Whoa. Easy on the exclamation points, Freddie.

Miss Anne said...

Tim -

you said:

"Since the free market is comprised of the decisions of individuals, presumably acting for the most part in their own economic interests (as they see them), it's difficult to see how a free market could fail, unless individuals were somehow prevented from making decisions necessary to their economic survival."

What would you call the industry-wide decision to lend gobs of money to buy homes under shady lending terms to those with questionable credit if not a clear "market failure?"

ian said...

Why not print lots of money and hand it out on street corners? It is hard to identify a specific person that is harmed, easy to identify who is helped.

ad said...

And so again we reach free market teleology, utterly non-falsifiable, not subject to external verification and resistant to calls for proof.

What would falsify your own position on, for example, the bailout?

Or your views on capitalism?

Freddie said...

Good question. If the bailout proceeded and the company eventually collapsed anyway, leaving the same people in the same predicament, then that would definitely constitute failure. Additionally, if someone could demonstrate to me a concrete example of how the bailout hurt another company or industry, that would be sufficient too.

For your broader question, it's complicated!

ad said...

What would GM look like in such an eventuality? Something like Rover in the UK?

http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Rover_Group

That also had a lot of union problems, and received a lot of government aid. They limped on for some years, and I believe they have now disappeared entirely.

If GM were limping along in five years time with its sales cut in half, would that count as a success? And if so, how would you know if they would have achieved as much success without the bailout?

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